Living in South Africa isn’t easy. Tempers flare. People take their anger to the streets. As a country we are at a crossroads and the future is uncertain. Using the latest research and his years of experience in politics and business, Theuns Eloff tells us, despite the ailing economy, corruption, cronyism and the predator state, how South Africa really works and how we can make it better.
Whatever the outcome of the 2017 elective conference, a new political culture will have to be established iat all levels of government if the country is to negotiate its turning point successfully.
The public service must return to the Batho Pele principles and serve with integrity (the people first). The leadership will have to establish a new culture by getting rid of corrupt and self-serving officials, starting at the top. This process will have to reach right down to local government level.
When people ask me how long it will take to normalise things in the public service and the country, I say that we should not expect too much too soon of any new president and leadership.
Even the Angel Gabriel would need at least five years to sort out the mess that will confront the new president. The South African president has little or no direct control over the mayor of, say, Sannieshof in the North-West. It will take time to re-establish a culture of serving with integrity in the public service. All the more reason, then, for any new leadership to tackle the task with the greatest of vigour.
There are widespread concerns about the powers of the president, even in terms of our exemplary constitution, and even among members of the governing party. When the constitution was being written, president Mandela was in office and inevitably the role-model for the drafters of the constitution. Furthermore, the powers of the Office of President are generally in line with international best practice.
Over the past few years, however, South Africans have seen how an individual president can use his constitutional powers to build and maintain a network of patronage and almost authoritarian control.
The issue needs to be addressed, and one way would be for Parliament to appoint a multiparty task- team to investigate this complex matter and make recommendations on what can be done to safeguard the office in future.
The country as a whole, including all the political parties, must respect democracy. Whether you are in government or in opposition, you must keep in mind that you have been put there by ordinary people. You are accountable to them and must serve them. This is especially a challenge for the ANC, now that it finds itself in opposition in several metropolitan municipalities. The question is whether they will play this role constructively. The same applies to the EFF. The DA has the challenge of governing a number of metros where they have been the opposition for a long time. This needs different skills and a depth of leadership that they may not have yet.
In responding to questions about whether South Africa as a country is "too far gone" to make it through the turning point successfully, I often sketch the following improbable, but not impossible, scenario.
A new president, addressing the nation in his or her inaugural speech, could say the following:
"Fellow South Africans, we all agree that our country is in a dire state. We cannot continue with business as usual. I have therefore consulted widely with political parties, trade unions, business leaders, and religious and civil society leaders about the way forward.
"I have suggested, and they have agreed, that for the next five years we need another government of national unity.
"This government will operate on the basis of the greatest possible consensus and will put the interests of the country first. I have therefore formed a cabinet that contains a number of leaders of opposition parties, as well as prominent and suitably qualified business and community leaders.
I call on all South Africans, whatever their party-political affiliation, race, ethnic group or language, to support this government of national unity in honouring our constitution and implementing the principles of the National Development Plan."
My sense is that by far the majority of South Africans would not only give a sigh of huge relief, but also be inspired and roll up their collective sleeves to support this goal. This shows that we are not "too far gone".
In general, South African policies are well-written, and only a few need an overhaul. In areas where these are not in line with the guidelines of the National Development Plan, they need to be adapted. Economic policy must be thoroughly debated so as to reach the best possible workable compromise, with the creation of economic growth and jobs being the primary yardstick.
Two areas of policy need urgent attention. The first relates to policies that create the framework for economic growth, especially through labour legislation and incentives for entrepreneurship and small and medium business development. Then there are policies that tend to treat South Africans as children instead of adults, particularly in the area of health. There are indications that we are developing into a "nanny state", with legislation governing every aspect of our lives: don’t eat this, don’t drink that. At some point, legislators should realise that one cannot legislate lifestyle and morality.
Rather, civil education programmes should be employed - that is the internationally accepted norm.
Our main problem is not policy, but its implementation. In the socio-economic area we have made good progress, but it has slowed down, due to a lack of management capacity in the public service, as well as corruption in the private and the public sector. A public service serving with integrity would get sound socio-economic service delivery on track again.
The education system could be the country’s ultimate saviour, but it needs a serious overhaul. Stopping cadre deployment in the education structures would be a good start, as it would hopefully signal the end of Sadtu’s stranglehold on education. The subject knowledge of teachers needs attention, and leadership is in short supply. The recent unrest in higher education threatens to harm that sector irreparably, and possibly cripple it. Immediate and long-term solutions are urgently needed.
During the apartheid years, NGOs made an immeasurable contribution to undermining and ultimately ending apartheid. In recent years they have started to play a similar watchdog role, criticising where necessary. To help us through our turning point, they will have to be even more diligent.
Religious organisations have played a similar role, by and large. In the past few years, the Christian churches, through the South African Council of Churches, have played their prophetic role very well. Here and there some individuals have pandered to political power, but mainly the churches have stood by their principles and the constitution. It is imperative that religious leaders take a stance of critical solidarity, even in the case of new political leadership.
Business has shown it is committed and can make a major contribution, as it did notably in the first 10 years of democracy. This was demonstrated through organisations such as the National Business Initiative, Business Against Crime, the Business Trust and the Centre for Development and Enterprise. Business Leadership South Africa (BLSA), a body that serves as the collective for senior business leaders in South Africa, played an important role after Nenegate. This needs to continue, and the differences between BLSA and the Black Business Council should be addressed.
If favourable economic conditions - that is, a sound legislative framework and policy certainty can be agreed on and created, South Africa will sustain good economic growth and create jobs. If the government can show that it is serious in implementing the NDP, especially with leading large infrastructure projects, business will start investing again. We grew at almost 5% per annum in 2006/07, and that can happen again.
* This is an extract from Turning Point South Africa at a Crossroads by Theuns Eloff and published by Tafelberg at a recommended retail price of R240.
** Theuns Eloff has been a student leader, minister of religion, administrator of constitutional negotiations, president of a national business organisation and university vice-chancellor. He is currently non-executive chairman of two trusts and a listed company, and executive director of the FW de Klerk Foundation. His involvement in South Africa’s ground-breaking constitutional negotiations in the 1990s, including the Codesa conventions, and in organisations promoting the new South Africa fuelled his passion for the country. It also left him uniquely equipped to write about current affairs across a broad spectrum - issues debated by political and business elites at high-profile conferences, but also furiously argued around ordinary South African dinner tables.