‘Hong Kong troublemakers’ demands illegal’

Lightning strikes as demonstrators gather outside the central government complex during heavy rain storm in Hong Kong, China, on Tuesday, Sept. 30, 2014. Pro-democracy protests swelled in Hong Kong on the eve of a two-day holiday that may bring record numbers to rallies spreading throughout the city as organizers pressed demands for free elections. Photographer: Lam Yik Fei/Bloomberg

Lightning strikes as demonstrators gather outside the central government complex during heavy rain storm in Hong Kong, China, on Tuesday, Sept. 30, 2014. Pro-democracy protests swelled in Hong Kong on the eve of a two-day holiday that may bring record numbers to rallies spreading throughout the city as organizers pressed demands for free elections. Photographer: Lam Yik Fei/Bloomberg

Published Oct 5, 2014

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For days on end, under the guise of fighting for “genuine universal suffrage elections”, some people have been causing trouble in Hong Kong, inciting illegal gatherings, attempting with a fierce street-style campaign to force the centre – central government – to retreat, and to change decisions made by the National People’s Congress Standing Committee.

These actions brazenly violate the Basic Law and Hong Kong law, violate legal principles, and are doomed not to get their way.

That the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region is carrying out elections by universal suffrage for the chief executive is a historic step forward in the development of Hong Kong democracy.

Hong Kong society has already held multiyear discussions on the election issue. In the 17 years since Hong Kong returned to China, the centre has all along actively promoted the unceasing development of Hong Kong’s democratic system along the lines of the Basic Law.

At the end of 2007, relevant decisions of the standing committee made clear the election timetable, stipulating that in 2017 the elections for the chief executive of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region could be by universal suffrage, and that after the elections were held, all the members of the Legislative Council could also be elected by universal suffrage.

That is to say, before midway through the “50 Years No Change” after the return of Hong Kong it could implement the two universal suffrage elections.

This year on August 31 the standing committee took a step forward with a decision that made clear the principles and institutional framework for the elections of the chief executive by universal suffrage.

All this makes abundantly clear that the centre’s support for Hong Kong’s universal suffrage elections is unwavering, and its sincerity is beyond doubt.

The relevant decisions of the standing committee embody the basic aims of “one country, two systems” and the relevant stipulations of the Basic Law, and fully consider the opinions and suggestions raised by each part of Hong Kong society toward the issue of the universal election of the chief executive, suit Hong Kong practical conditions, are legal, fair and reasonable.

At the same time, the decision also clarifies wrong thinking that deviates from the Basic Law.

On the basis of adhering to the Basic Law in deciding on the rules for the election of the chief executive, by giving a legal basis to cohere common understanding in society, it is helpful in pushing Hong Kong society’s desire for universal suffrage elections to become reality.

Now, with the existence of some people who are disregarding the guiding principles of “one country, two systems” and the Basic Law, brazenly inciting illegal activities and demanding their so-called “genuine universal suffrage elections”, the core of which is to ensure that their representatives, including those who oppose the centre, can become candidates for chief executive.

This demand is both illegal and unreasonable.

The special administrative region is a local administrative city of China that is directly under the jurisdiction of the Central People’s Government, and is not a country or an independent political entity.

Over the 17 years since the return (of Hong Kong to China), Hong Kong society still has had a minority of people who lack correct understanding of the guiding principles and policies of “one country, two systems”, who do not respect the Basic Law, who do not acknowledge the central government’s right to govern Hong Kong.

To permit a minority of people to coerce people’s opinions would be disadvantageous to the correct implementation of the “one country, two systems” principles, disadvantageous to the preservation of Hong Kong’s long-term prosperity and stability, and disadvantageous to the smooth realisation of universal suffrage elections.

From a legal point of view, if the plan for chief executive universal suffrage elections does not gain legislative approval, only the current arrangements for the choosing of the chief executive can be used.

There is no space to make concessions on questions of major principle.

Looking at the illegal demands and the political slogans being put about in Hong Kong by some people these few days, they are using the illegal methods of breaking Hong Kong law and damaging Hong Kong social order.

Their political goals are completely not so-called “genuine universal suffrage elections”, but are to challenge the very highest organs of power in the country, to challenge the democratic rights of the majority of Hong Kong people, and ultimately what they are blocking is the system of universal suffrage and democratic rights that the majority of Hong Kong people ardently hope for.

This cannot win people’s hearts and will ultimately fail.

Only by clearly recognising the starting point can one go further. To realise the goal of universal suffrage elections in Hong Kong, the starting point and the track are the Basic Law and the relevant decisions of the standing committee.

Only starting from there is it possible to walk the correct path and not the crooked path.

The decision of the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress has unchallengeable legal status and authority.

Protecting the decision of the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress is the inevitable choice, and the only choice.

 

This opinion piece was originally published in the People’s Daily. Copyright: People’s Daily

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