The history of labour relations in South Africa is a story of a long and torrid struggle by black workers against continuing repression and exploitation from government and employers. Unions representing workers managed at successive periods to grow in numbers and stature against all odds, only to be struck down by recession, disunity and their own internal conflicts.
The formation of Cosatu in November 1985 – a landmark development in the country’s labour relations history – was the outcome of four years of hard unity talks within the independent labour movement.
The way in which Cosatu co-ordinated diverse and independent organisations demonstrated amazing organisational skills and ability. Cosatu’s policies were delivered within the three principles of the mass democratic movement. Its programmes of action were:
* Rooted in the view that the workers were the major vehicle for the labour relations revolution rather than great individuals. Affiliates that form part of Cosatu were firmly based on workplace structures and building from the recognised needs of local workers. Every decision made by Cosatu was discussed at length at workplace, regional to national levels and, as a result gathered widespread support,
* Decided through open debates and discussions. Power within Cosatu was decentralised to workplace level through meetings, consultations and representations, and all was done to encourage mass mobilisation, effective representation, collectivism, unity and ownership of the workers’ liberation struggle.
* Enjoying massive support from a broad spectrum of labour relations and civil society sectors.
Perhaps the current Cosatu needs to embrace these principles in its quest to resolve the Numsa impasse and to realise its vision of one powerful federation that can promote, defend and advance the working class interests.
For Cosatu to be a major player within the new political dispensation, much will depend on its power to maintain unity within and among its affiliates.
One of the biggest challenges faced by Cosatu is to redefine its role within the Tripartite Alliance. For starters, it is important to trace when and how the decision of an alliance was discussed and adopted by Cosatu’s affiliates.
In May 1988, Cosatu held a landmark special conference after its unbanning from political activities by the apartheid government. The conference was called mainly to discuss the need to create “a broadest unity against apartheid oppression, to create a democratic space in which to continue operating and how to strengthen Cosatu affiliates”.
The conference was robust, forthright, honest and decisive about the then current and anticipated political and labour challenges.
The debates were driven by one thinking that “experience has shown unions that only one powerful federation can defend and advance working class interests against capitalism and apartheid”.
Three main positions were tabled regarding the question of alliances with other organisations. Numsa put forward a resolution calling for the “establishment of a broad front of all working class organisations and organisations of the oppressed and exploited masses committed to working actively and unreservedly for the immediate end of apartheid”.
The National Union of Mineworkers (NUM) tabled a counter-resolution, which called for a “united front” between Cosatu and “tried and tested mass-based organisations whose political programmes are not incompatible with those of Cosatu’s affiliates”.
The then Transport and General Workers’ Union (TGWU) proposed that “Cosatu convenes a broad anti-apartheid conference, including liberal whites rather than only ‘oppressed and exploited’, which would be a short-term conference against repression rather than a front with structures”.
Note: that the rivalry between Numsa and NUM in the battle for control of Cosatu is not a new thing. However, it was well managed by the then leadership.
After a lengthy debate, a compromise position was reached. Perhaps this is the lesson that the current Central Executive Committee (CEC) needs to emulate in resolving the current Cosatu-Numsa impasse.
The current alliance with the ANC and SACP continues to stimulate debate over the position, power and relevance of Cosatu within the alliance.
A Workers’ Charter conference held in November 1990 laid the foundation for the protection of workers’ interests in a post-apartheid constitution after the union movement had complained about the ANC’s lack of consultation on constitutional developments.
While the alliance was seen as necessary during the transition process, fears were expressed within Cosatu that the federation could be co-opted into national politics, with a resulting neglect of its workers’ mandate.
The then Cosatu president, Elijah Barayi, warned against the federation becoming “the pet poodles of the organisation rather than the watchdog of the workers”.
While Cosatu may wish to retain its independence, its leaders are playing major roles in the ANC and SACP. The debates concerning the advantages and pitfalls of the “two hats position” have lately flourished as some union leaders use the alliance platform to pursue political and government careers and others endorse decisions that are not in the interest of workers.
Again, it is becoming crystal clear that there is a lack of congruence and an uncertainty in economic ideology between the ANC and SACP, which further complicates the role of Cosatu within the alliance.
The current Cosatu alliance was vigorously debated and it is now time that it is thoroughly redefined as the country enters the economic struggle. So, the CEC is advised to withdraw its decision to axe Numsa, but to create an atmosphere within which Numsa’s concerns are interrogated until a compromise position is reached.
If the CEC fails, the matter must be referred to the rank-and-file affiliates’ members or Special Congress. Such an action will be a giant leap for worker control. And that will go a long way in ensuring that Cosatu grows from strength to strength.
Long live the struggle for workers’ rights.
* Khumalo is a political and communication strategist with the Durban Think Tank Marketing Services. He writes in his personal capacity.