ANC at risk of losing moral high ground

A student is comforted after being tear-gassed by police outside the ANC's Luthuli House headquarters in the Joburg CBD two weeks ago. Picture: Paballo Thekiso

A student is comforted after being tear-gassed by police outside the ANC's Luthuli House headquarters in the Joburg CBD two weeks ago. Picture: Paballo Thekiso

Published Nov 1, 2015

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Only accelerated transformation can save the ANC from being rocked, writes Dumisani Hlope.

The ANC is shaken, but it is not about to fall. It is vulnerable, and yet it still commands relative faith among the majority in society as an agent of transformation.

The march to the ANC’s Luthuli House by the #FeesMustFall student movement, while dismissing opposition parties, is indicative of this relative faith.

But it is a shaky faith. It is faith akin to an ultimatum.

It is twofold: it tells the ANC the youth are aware that free education is part of the ANC’s liberation mandate; second, it is a subtle warning that the ANC’s failure to deliver on the liberation mandate may lead to the loss of power.

This has happened to a number of liberation governments.

Moreover, the march to the ANC’s headquarters is an indication that the students acknowledge that, for now, they are stuck with the ANC.

Nobody knows what they would do in the presence of a significant alternative political party.

What shakes the ANC is that the students have conquered fear.

They have shown themselves to be bold, resilient, fearless and organised.

Their ability to go beyond campus struggles to achieve a national movement reflects a recognition of their political power.

It is a political power whose major force lies in its capacity to bring the country to a standstill – in the ANC’s liberation terminology, “make the country ungovernable”.

The response by the ANC reflected what its president, Jacob Zuma, had decried at its national general council – an increasing gap between the leadership and the people.

The use of state security forces in dealing with student protests indicates a ruling elite focused on self-preservation.

It shows that even a noble liberation movement-turned-government can use “law-and-order” tactics in dealing with genuine protesters.

A parallel response has been one of malicious diplomacy: the ANC has expressed its support for the genuine cause of the students’ protests. Party officials, some ministers, and ANC MPs express support for the students.

They deliberately disregard that they are, organisationally, the ruling party.

A protest against not providing free education in line with the ruling party’s decision and electoral promise is essentially a protest against the ruling party.

Rather than claiming to support the students in their struggles for free quality education, the ruling party should assume responsibility for a commitment not realised – then undertake to accelerate the realisation of this commitment.

Otherwise this amounts to abdicating ruling party status without relinquishing state power.

The ruling party at Luthuli House is responsible for ensuring the delivery of conference resolutions, like that on providing free quality education.

ANC MPs have a responsibility to ensure the Ministry of Higher Education makes tertiary education accessible.

Meanwhile, the ANC government has an obligation to make the budgetary allocation necessary to effect the party’s political decision to introduce free, quality education.

It is inconceivable that the ruling party should support the call for free education, yet no one assumes responsibility for its realisation.

It renders the expression of support as having been in bad faith.

Rather than expressing support for the student activism, the ANC could better start by apologising for the inability to act on its resolution and election promise – then move with speed to effect it.

When the ruling party uses force and malicious diplomacy to deal with a genuine protest movement, it loses the moral high ground associated with liberation movements.

The ANC can take comfort from the fact that the young generation remains steeped in the liberation tradition.

They probably share the liberation vision of the ANC. Hence their struggles are found in ANC conference resolutions.

However, they are agitated with the slow pace of transformation led by the ANC.

The solution lies in developing the ANC’s capacity at an organisational level.

Most of its radical socio-economic resolutions are hardly implemented. However, no one is held accountable.

The notion of collective leadership is becoming a scapegoat. All ANC resolutions are squarely linked to ministries, led by ministers. The ANC should hold the ministers accountable.

Essentially, it is the organisation that is tasked with ensuring its deployees in government deliver on party resolutions and electoral promises.

Lack of capacity in this regard leads to a weak ANC government and poor delivery.

Poor delivery will lead to the rise of protest movements.

There is compelling reason to believe even isolated service delivery protests may soon assume a national character. The ANC can take comfort in still being seen as a liberation agency.

But, as Zuma told the national general council, this may not last. Only accelerated transformation can save the ANC from being rocked.

* Hlophe is faculty associate, The Albert Luthuli Centre for Responsible Leadership, Faculty of Economic and Management Sciences, University of Pretoria. Twitter @KunjaloD

** The views expressed here not necessarily those of Independent Media.

The Sunday Independent

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