Tebogo Brown
Pretoria - Shortly after the death of Tanzanian president John Magufuli on March 17 last year, I wrote a tribute that was submitted to all local and national newspapers. In the same article, I paid tribute to the late president of Burundi, Pierre Nkurunziza.
Unfortunately, the reader may not be aware of this article because it was never published.
Magufuli passed away under very suspicious circumstances, and so did Nkurunziza. Magufuli, an educated leader with a PhD in chemistry, used his knowledge and understanding of science to collapse the shaky structure of the Covid-19 pandemic. “The Bulldozer”, as he was known, kicked the World Health Organization (WHO) out of Tanzania after samples of pawpaw and a goat tested positive for Covid-19. Sensing fraud, lies and deceit, Magufuli suspended the head of Tanzania’s National Health Laboratory, Nyambura Moremi, and formed a 10-person investigative committee.
Just like Magufuli, Nkurunziza ordered WHO representatives to leave the country. He suddenly died and his replacement, Évariste Ndayishimiye, invited WHO back. It is worth pointing out that both leaders passed away eight months apart. But new information has emerged. Magufuli was not only hated for his position on lockdowns, masks, social distancing and the Covid-19 pandemic as a whole.
He was hated more for his constant efforts towards nationalising Tanzania’s mineral wealth, which threatened to deprive the West of control over resources deemed essential to the fast-approaching new world order.
Throughout his presidency, Magufuli had locked horns with the most powerful multinational corporations. He kicked out Bill Gates-funded trials of genetically modified crops and opposed some of the most powerful mining companies in the West, which have strong ties with the World Economic Forum.
In an article titled “Tanzania’s Late President Magufuli: ‘Science Denier’ or Threat to Empire?” by Jeremy Loffredo and Whitney Webb, we learn that more threatening to the West than Magufuli’s Covid-19 stance was the threat he posed to foreign control over the world’s largest ready-to-develop nickel deposit, a metal essential for making electric car batteries needed in the current effort to create an electric autonomous vehicle revolution.
For instance, just a month before he disappeared, write Webb and Loffredo, Magufuli had signed an agreement between the government and a group of investors to begin developing that nickel deposit. The deposit had been co-owned by Barrick Gold and Glencore, a commodity giant with deep ties to Israel’s Mossad, until Magufuli revoked their licence for the project in 2018. Former president of the Democratic Republic of Congo, Joseph Kabila, made Glencore pay higher taxes or had their mining licences revoked. They are still after him.
Smart cities, smart technologies and smart cars will be impossible without nickel. Tesla CEO Elon Musk said that “nickel is the biggest concern for electric car batteries”.
In 2020, he arrogantly tweeted: “We will coup whoever we want! Deal with it.” He was responding to accusations that the US government had backed the 2019 coup in Bolivia so that Musk’s Tesla could obtain the world’s largest lithium reserves, another mineral critical to electric vehicle battery production. Drawing information mainly from Webb and Loffredo’s article, it should be enough to get all of us into researching what has been happening in world politics. Magufuli stood in the way of the so-called “Fourth Industrial Revolution”, and there is this invisible, international cartel of power that deposes presidents and prime ministers, and dissolves parliaments if they refuse to do its bidding.
It is this power I believe disposed of Magufuli and Nkurunziza, for the timing of their deaths is so very suspicious. As for African people, they must wake up to the clarion call to look after their God-given minerals which, by the laws of nature, are theirs and theirs alone.
Pretoria News