Private sector advertisers are the only stakeholders that can stop a complete collapse in the integrity of the SABC and prevent it from becoming a mouthpiece for a government that feels desperate to twist its messaging and fabricate its image, writes Pierre Heistein.
The SABC has been mired in controversy for years, but a recent spate of events indicates strong levels of intervention rather than just mismanagement. Three editorial staff were suspended after defying an instruction by chief operating officer Hlaudi Motsoeneng to not report on an anti-censorship protest. Motsoeneng also ordered that violent protests, destruction of public property and negative coverage of the president should not be broadcast on the news.
Acting chief executive Jimi Matthews recently resigned, saying he no longer wanted to be part of what was happening due to a corrosive environment and negative impact on his moral judgement.
The SABC broadcasts four television channels – SABC 1, 2 and 3 and SABC News Channel. It broadcasts 18 radio stations, including South Africa’s five largest stations by market share: Ukhozi FM, Metro FM, Umhlobo Wenene FM, Thobela FM and Motsweding FM. The SABC also holds Good Hope FM, SAfm, Radio 2000, 5fm and RSG.
South Africans spend, on average, three-and-a-half hours a day listening to the radio – 30 million listeners tune in across 15 million radio sets each week. In total, the SABC broadcasts to 70 percent of South African radio listeners. The SABC holds more than 49 percent of the television market.
The reach of the SABC gives it unmatched power to control messaging. If controlled by the whims of the presidency, it has the power to shift voter perception and suppress the voice of any opposition – external or internal to the ANC. It has the power to patch the appearance of weakness in ruling the party and steer anger towards another topic of its choice.
Rot of integrity
Despite being controlled by government and partly funded by the taxpayer, decision making at the SABC is not determined by public vote, leaving the average person powerless to halt the rot of integrity.
Trade union Solidarity will take the SABC to court over the suspensions and civil society, journalists and labour unions plan to protest in Johannesburg and Cape Town tomorrow. Yet Motsoeneng shows himself to be immune to public sentiment. The only players left in the room with enough clout to enact change are advertisers.
In the 2014/15 financial year, advertising revenue of the SABC grew 7 percent to R5.5 billion. Currently, the SABC relies on advertising for 74 percent of its revenue and this share is growing despite efforts to decrease it. While the government makes the decisions, the SABC is ultimately most influenced by advertisers.
Every company and brand mentioned on SABC channels is inadvertently subscribing to the actions of the SABC. Every payment allows the SABC to keep turning even if management of integrity walks out. Is it fair to ask private companies – who rely on the SABC’s networks to reach their customers – to take responsibility for the decline in the SABC’s independence?
No, absolutely not.
First, it is equally the responsibility of listeners to hold the SABC to account through their choices of what to listen to. But co-ordination of national listeners to the point that it will impact the SABC is unfeasible.
Second, the SABC is just a channel through which companies reach their audience and they are in no way complicit in the decisions of SABC management.
Third, unless there is aligned resistance to the SABC among brands, those who do take a stand will simply lose market share to those who don’t.
But in times of crisis we need to turn to who can act, not who should. Presidential control over the SABC is a critical threat to democracy, social stability and a healthy business environment in South Africa. It’s not the type of crisis that happens in a day.
No guns or finance ministers are fired, no trucks are set alight or protesters restrained. It’s a gradual collapse until a well-informed vote is no longer a tool available for political change.
* Pierre Heistein is the instructor of UCT’s Applied Economics for Smart Decision Making course. Follow him on Twitter @PierreHeistein.
* The views expressed here do not necessarily reflect those of Independent Media.
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