By Mmusi Maimane
The three parties share common ground on policy, ideology and approach to governance. Cronyism, nepotism and corruption form the basis of their workings while in the government.
Arguably the biggest surprise before this year’s election is that a former president of the Republic, Jacob Zuma, made an unexpected political comeback and announced he would be endorsing and campaigning for newly established political party, the uMkhonto we Sizwe Party (MKP).
Cunningly named after the ANC’s armed paramilitary wing which operated during the struggle against apartheid, the nascent party appears to be growing in support from the many followers and sympathisers of Zuma.
The question before this year’s pivotal national and provincial elections is what impact, if any, the development will have on the future fortunes of our country. After much reflection, I have arrived at the conclusion that it poses a great threat for reasons other than the man who is the face and driving force of the party.
While much attention has predictably been given to Zuma as an individual – all his shenanigans and controversies included – we must step back and view the new party in the context of real numbers as the votes are counted in the days following the elections.
When considering the various ideological blocks or arrangements of parties that hold similar world views, it becomes apparent that the MKP poses a significant threat if it works with the ANC and the EFF to form a national government. It may well be a fatal spear to our nation.
Here is a hypothetical case: In the elections, the ANC gets 45% of the vote, the EFF 15% and the MKP around 8%. At face value, this seems democratically healthy: the ANC’s majority stranglehold on the country and its people is diminishing. New players on the scene are wooing voters away from the ANC.
However, in effect, the three parties share common ground on policy, ideology and approach to governance. They all want to forgo a strong market economy in favour of a centralised economy. Cronyism, nepotism and corruption form the basis of their workings while in the government. They believe that all power must reside with the party and not the people. They advocate for the erosion of land and property rights, in favour of state domination.
And most crucially, together they amass a two-thirds majority in Parliament, which allows changes to the Constitution and the foundations of democracy.
In effect, it would mean two-thirds of voters would keep our country on its current pathway. Corruption, violent crime, rampant unemployment and the drying up of delivery of basic services such as water, electricity, transport, health care, roads and infrastructure.
Splitting the ANC vote in favour of political parties that mirror the ANC is not the answer.
Instead, votes should elect an array of parties that agree on a departure from the status quo – in ideas and in leadership. Build One South Africa is one of those parties, and we propose a framework for the new trajectory towards economic growth, reconciliation and prosperity.
The foundation of change is fixing what is broken by building a capable state. The current structure is too big to deliver and too confusing to be efficient. The reduction and repurposing must be the core focus of the government. This includes the economic cluster, education, social and health services, safety and defence and foreign relations.
“Superministries”, streamlined and attractive to top talent, are essential. A capable state also requires capable individuals who are skilled and professional. Dead wood must be removed amid a national recruitment drive to professionalise public service and administration.
South Africa certainly has the talent and skill, now’s the time to bring the two together. Instead of being deterred from a career in public service, measures must be taken to attract independent-minded, highly skilled and politically neutral actors into all spheres of the government.
To bolster this, initiate an incentive-based scheme for all public sector employees. Much like a commission-based system, reward the best performers within the state for their excellence. Flat rates breed mediocrity and fail to attract real talent. This would go a long way towards instilling a culture of excellence within the public sector.
Then, open the appointment process for Cabinet positions. There should be more latitude for the president to appoint the best candidates to the cabinet. Section 91(3)(c) of the Constitution can be amended to allow the president to appoint anyone they deem fit. The section states that the president “may select no more than two ministers from outside Parliament”.
Changing this would allow the president to appoint ministers who are experienced in their relevant fields. We should not have politicians as the ministers of finance, health or education — they should be businesspeople, doctors and teachers/lecturers.
To mitigate against improper behaviour within the government, overhaul the tender process. Placing maximum transparency as best practice, an online tender system would achieve this, whereby objections could be lodged in seven days before funds are disbursed to tender winners. Permanently implemented continual lifestyle audits of all politicians and senior government officials should be the norm.
Lifestyle audits must be given sufficient teeth to expose those who have been accumulating wealth from tenders and other forms of abuse of power. Done without robust measures, these could be a window-dressing exercise, designed to simply exonerate as many people as possible.
To be effective, lifestyle audits must be forensic — looking into bank accounts, debit payments, school fee payments, trust accounts and all money that changes hands with politicians.
Building a capable state requires reviewing the mandates and functions of all state-owned enterprises (SOEs). If they are no longer required, shut them down. As for the economically vital SOEs, they must be strengthened. Build-own-operate initiatives in the energy space would free up Eskom to focus on distribution, its debt and capital attrition, and planning for a green energy future.
Transnet’s first move must be to on-board private/public partnerships with the right partners to strengthen leadership and inject capital.
Our country’s cities illustrate that job creation in and of itself does not solve spatial exclusion. While the cities have a slightly lower unemployment rate than the rest of the country, they largely resemble the spatial architecture of apartheid’s separate development. This is a justice issue as much as it is an economic issue. How to solve this?
Integrated public transport is one consideration. It speeds up the flow of people within cities and opens access to all areas for all people. However, there are additional steps that should be taken.
First, move people closer to work. Affordable housing and mixed-income housing close to economic activity are matters of justice. The efforts must be intensified and incentivised. Second, and arguably of greater value, is moving work closer to people.
Townships remain dormitories of unemployment and underdevelopment. Rapidly stimulating the township economy through special economic zones would generate new jobs where people live and uplift those neglected communities. It would stimulate the economy by investing in infrastructure, enhancing the skills of citizens and supporting entrepreneurial ventures.
The pathway to a brighter future is available to South Africans. All that is required is voting for those on the correct side of the political divide. Because an ANC, EFF and MKP power block would spell disaster for our nation’s future.
Mmusi Maimane is Build One South Africa (BOSA) leader and presidential candidate