If you see the temperature gauge rising on your dashboard, and the red oil light come on, and you see and smell vapour hissing out from under your bonnet - do you keep driving? You have to put as much value on the vehicle as on the arrival at your destination on time.
The first example of converging is the question of the Khoi/San claims. We have 11 national languages. Two are Teutonic and five are Bantu. The Ba Baroa got left behind. Both sides in the land debate need to concede this. It is not just a two-way tug of war. There is a third claimant.
A second converging question is: what purpose is land needed for? Is it to farm? To be used as productive land? Or is it to build houses? If you go into a bank and ask for a loan, they always make a distinction between business loans and consumer loans. Both are important to banks. Both needs are valid. But what are we talking about? The point is that 75% of the land claims that have been settled since 1994 have later been “cashed-out”. The debate needs to be clear on this, or we end up talking past one another, and not engaging meaningfully.
A third example of converging the debate is to look for models of land reform that are either succeeding or offer good prospects of success. One case in point is the Solms-Delta model. It does not sub-divide the land into parcels, but it gathers all those working on the farm into a structure of ownership. This keeps the economies of scale that make mechanised farming viable, and side-steps some of the problems of equipping new, inexperienced, small holdings. Other models are being touted as well, like stiffening Inheritance Tax to level the playing field (a kind of expropriation).
There is also a radical model (Stephen Meintjes and Michael Jacques) that all forms of taxation be replaced by land rent. Namely, that the state should own all land, and that those who occupy more of it than others should pay much heftier taxes. This would generate more government revenue to meet socio-economic needs of those who are on the margins economically.
Of course unemployed people don’t pay any income tax, but why should they then pay VAT? Some exemptions in the recent VAT increase reflect the fact that taxation can be a burden on the poor, while the rich can afford lawyers and accountants who find the “tax loopholes”. Sars gets caught in the middle, not raising enough for the fiscus.
Moving to the contested “talking points”, here are three good examples. One has been raised by Roelf Meyer - government is sitting on many hectares of land it has not yet redistributed. So why not allocate this land to those who are in need of it first? Before rushing to change the constitution! One has to wonder to what extent this backlog is contrived. We have heard that load-shedding may have been “induced” to create the optimal conditions for major coal sales that benefited the Guptas! Now why has the number of land claims declined to 1994 levels, having peaked about ten years ago? Excuse me, I am getting a bit confrontational in asking that pointed question.
The second example of a contested issue that can throw some good light on the subject is the inconsistency of sending out four “lions” to raise billions of rand in investment in Brand South Africa, while at the same time shaking the foundations of property rights that are enshrined in the constitution. Isn’t this contradictory?
The third example of a point worth debating is the question of priorities. Is land redistribution more important that non-racialism, for example? Or is one of these primordial? And what about the rule of law? When people occupy land that belongs to someone else, what does that say about social priorities? Are you willing to trade away the rainbow nation identity to speed up land reform?
Now we come to the flash-points, the risky topics in terms of dividing South African citizens into enclaves. The obvious example is whether whites “stole” the land from the blacks, or whether blacks stole it first from the Ba Boroa? Mosiuoa Lekota was quite emphatic at the Unisa conference that talking like this is historically inaccurate. It denigrates the heroic resistance that the blacks put up to the arrival of white settlers. Speaking of “stealing” is an example of how the language of the debate can turn the heat up. I appreciate Lekota’s wisdom, and remember himasking in Parliament during the debate on expropriation: “Who are our people? And who are not our people?” In asking this, he was keeping his eye on the ball, in a game where others are playing the man and not the ball.
Secondly, beware of statistics! For example, William Dulles reckons that in total white South Africans own 357 507 hectares of urban land and 26 663 144 hectares of agricultural land (which includes vast areas of semi-desert Karoo) making a total of 27 020 651 hectares. The total areas of SA is 122 million hectares, which means white people privately own 22 percent. Who owns the other 78 percent and why is all the focus on the 22 percent, and not on the 78 percent? I find arguments like this disturbing, but I must say I think the statistics the ANC is quoting aren’t much better either.
Lastly, the very term “expropriation without compensation”. There are two aspects to this - one is coercion and the other is loss. In many countries, land is expropriated from time to time for purposes of the common good, deemed to be more important than the individual good. For example, when a huge dam is built, people in that valley are relocated. But of course they are compensated.
The term “without compensation” suggests a vindictiveness that has no place in a democracy with a Bill of Rights.
The use of this phrase alone suggests double jeopardy for some farmers, who fear God and are trying to secure an economy that is on shaky ground. The highest common good is to have everyone working, and working together.
* Chuck Stephens is the executive director of the Desmond Tutu Centre for Leadership. He writes in his personal capacity.
** The views expressed here are not necessarily those of Independent Newspapers.